Japan
Watcher Must Wean Himself Off Clichés
By:
Devin T. Stewart and Paul J. Scalise
Imagine
you are in Japan on a fellowship and you have been told you must write
a paper to fulfill your obligations with your supporting institution.
Problem is you don't have anything new to say. Do you: a) ask for
more time and keep researching; b) admit you've made a terrible career
move and go home; or c) throw caution to the wind and write something
like this:
Peter
Rutland. "Japan must wean itself off the U.S." International
Herald Tribune, Wednesday, July 21, 2004.
Apparently
its author, Peter Rutland, a Wesleyan professor visiting Sophia University
as a Fulbright lecturer, would decide to get the article out no matter
what. Although Sophia and Fulbright do not require lecturers to write
op-eds, it would be difficult to otherwise explain this article, which
appeared in the International Herald Tribune (IHT) on 21 July
2004 with a title that ominously reads "Japan must wean itself
off the U.S."
The
op-ed is poorly argued, offers nothing new to policy debates and only
concludes that Japan needs "new approaches" to its foreign
policy without providing specifics. We would let the article go if
it weren't for the fact that Rutland gives voice to a growing minority
of dissatisfied academics and activists looking to reject that old
dictum that it's better to look before you leap. Of course, we agree
that clarifying parameters for the alliance is a legitimate issue.
But then again, it also deserves more than empty sound bites.
First,
let's start with the op-ed. Rutland quips that if the United States
made the dinner and NATO washed the dishes, the Pentagon would hope
that Japan would at least "pick up the tab." We are not
sure where this idea comes from other than a stereotypical view of
Japan's "checkbook diplomacy" that might have made sense
15 years ago. As Rutland himself states in the essay, the United States
has been asking Japan to take more responsibility for its own defense.
Financial support alone to military or peacekeeping operations is
regarded as insufficient.
Rutland
then asserts that the United States takes Japan for granted, but follows
this statement by reporting that speakers on a panel last spring (2003)
called the U.S.-Japan alliance a "special relationship."
The phrase echoes what U.S. officials of yore like Ambassador Mike
Mansfield and of today like U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Richard
Armitage say of the relationship.
While
these panelists talk about a special relationship, Rutland later cites
his students, which are presumably undergraduates and typical of liberal
Sophia University, for counter-argument. He writes that, to his students,
war is—surprise, surprise—alien to them and they find
"profoundly disturbing the role of violence in American society."
He concludes that "this division of labor cannot continue,"
but fails to say why it cannot.
We
would describe the trust between the United States and Japan part
of what is called an "alliance."
Rutland
then refers to polls, but never cites sources or gives the full picture.
He says 60 percent of Japanese support Article 9 of the Constitution,
ostensibly presenting an obstacle to a more active Japan in military
affairs. What he fails to mention is that a Yomiuri Shimbun
poll conducted this spring found 65 percent of pollees favoring constitutional
revision; and even the more left-leaning Asahi Shimbun reported
the results of a poll it conducted that found 53 percent of respondents
favoring revision of the top law.
Rutland
suggests that the LDP's "poor" performance in the recent
upper house election was due to the public's frustration over Japan's
dispatch of troops to Iraq. Apparently he stumbled across this nugget
of insight by interviewing his students because that's the only evidence
he offers. We would submit that Japan's major newspapers attributed
the LDP's performance to the party's failure to present clear policies
on the pension system and to what may be described as "structural
reform fatigue." Even if you cite Western newspapers, the issue
is arguably more of "projection" than analysis—the
idea of placing Western assumptions and political fads on Japanese
sensibilities and priorities. The election was not about Iraq.
In
any case, the LDP did better than was expected. The markets had bet
on a crushing defeat, which did not happen. So, we are not even sure
what metric Rutland used to interpret the LDP's showing as "poor."
Rutland's
essay asserts that Japan only sent troops to Iraq purely out of loyalty
to the United States. This statement perhaps is a reflection of the
question many Japanese ask, Is Koizumi Bush's lapdog? We would offer
other explanations about why Japan is in Iraq, however.
The
rationale given by policymakers is that Japan wants to be more active
in operations that contribute to international peace; Japan wants
to make sure the story in the first Gulf War isn't repeated when Japan
only contributed money but was not thanked; Japan is concerned about
its energy security and believes stability in the Middle East will
achieve that goal.
A
reason stated off-the-record is that Japan even hopes the United States
will resolve the North Korean nuclear crisis. This is a reasonable
hope given North Korea's insistence that the United States must be
involved in these talks. No big leap here: We would argue that Koizumi
is pursuing Japan's national interest. Nobody is anyone's lapdog.
No canine conspiracy.
This
brings us to the point. Why should anyone take such muddled thinking
seriously? Our answer is simple: the next generation of leaders in
Japan won't remember the Cold War alliance with such loving affection.
It's all the more important for Americans writing on Japan to do their
homework before projecting their own cultural baggage onto the subject;
the Japanese Upper House elections were about social security, the
constitution and Koizumi's vision (or lack thereof). Iraq had little
(if anything) to do with it.
So
remember: if there are problems in the alliance it's prudent to see
a marriage counselor, not rush to divorce.
Essay
first published July 29, 2004.
Stewart
is Assistant Director of Studies at the Center for Strategic &
International Studies (CSIS) in Washington, D.C. Scalise
is a former Japanese equity analyst, co-founder of JapanReview.Net
and currently a D.Phil Candidate at the University of Oxford.
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